So, the blog got neglected. I have been too busy at work, and following my vitrectomy at the end of last February, I slowly developed a dense post-operative cataract in my eye. This seemed to cause me eye-strain, as though I was over-taxing the properly functioning eye. Reading in the evening became very restricted, and so gratuitously working through texts on EEBO fell from my list of priorities.
Frustrated by this, and facing more months of the cataract getting worse before the NHS could schedule me, last Tuesday I had the procedure done privately, at Reading's weirdly luxurious new Circle Hospital. This has the ambience of a brand new hotel, an illusion only spoiled by the occasional medico shuffling past in ward pyjamas and plastic clogs. Art works are everywhere, and, astonishingly, a young woman with a concert harp was playing to relax those in the lounge area. At no point was she summoned up the lift into theatre to assist in giving a client-customer a reassuring departure, but it seemed a disturbing possibility ("Emergency, harpist to theatre 4, please!"). I had my original operation wearing beneath my plastic shroud my jacket, shirt and tie as usual; for this far less major procedure, Circle had me don a 'Patient Dignity Gown'. I thought this suited me a lot, and I will take to wearing it round my department, especially if the same suppliers can set me up with a 'Wounded Dignity Gown' to alternate it with.
But the chart above is nothing to do with my well-being. It's a Google Ngram, off Google Books. I just discovered these last week, when following an OED request for information into user responses. Someone had tracked a pre-dating (I think it might have been for 'Ironman Triathlon') using Ngrams, and I followed that up, not having heard of them.
Ngrams use the corpus of digitised books, and will plot you a graph for frequency of occurence of one word against another within the corpus. As all graphs would otherwise just show a fierce left to right ascent, the plotting is made proportional to the number of books being published within the period.
The results become more convincing if one plots related words in different graphs. My first effort, above, plotted 'witch' against 'conjurer', 1600 to 1800. It seems to indicate some quiet years after 1610, with not much chatter in print about the topic, and then, towards the end of that decade, a peaking concern (I wondered if it might be reflecting the Overbury case). Then, irregular peaks of concern between 1630 and 1650. There's a late 17th century minor peak (I wondered if one might see in that the late flurry of people like Glanville asserting the existence of witchcraft). Then a splendidly rational 18th century, before Gothic Romanticism brings it all back in.
These tentative results look a bit more convincing when a related graph looks quite similar. Here's 'witchcraft' plotted against 'magic':
Somehow, and perhaps it isn't entirely an artefact from the sample, the quiet years after 1610 show up, then the late decade rise, things going quiet after King James' death, until the 1630's take off again (Lancashire? Loudon?). Irregular peaks thereafter, the 1670's and 1680's still quite strong, an enlightened 18th century, and then Gothicism.
My third try just plotted 'witch' against 'devil': it merely shows the predominance of devil talk over witch talk:
Maybe the late 17th century peak in devil talk is as dissenting literature gets more widely published...?
The Renaissance course I teach on is called 'Love, Honour, Obey: Literature 1525-1660'. So I ran the key terms, this time between 1600 and 2000, with this result:
'Love', we see, goes up and down ("the way it does", as a colleague wittily remarked when I was showing this round). There may be a Cavalier peak, and a Restoration one. 'Honour' does well through the Stuart years, and then shows very solidly as the novel gets going in the late 18th century (a range established around the Richardson peak, as it were). 'Obey' is the interesting line. It's far less common as a word, but there just may be a peak around the end of the Civil War. Gradually, society loses interest in the idea, as people also did with 'honour'.
Are the results of this data-mining real? One obviously has to be cautious. I do not know if Google have had access to the work of the digital text creation partnership that's working through EEBO. When this happens, and also when all texts have been digitised, then the true detail will emerge. But this looks completely convincing to me:
This is 'prophecy' plotted against 'throne'. I couldn't use 'king', as that word appears so often that 'prophecy' gets flattened out. Anyway, just look at the peak in 'prophecy' before the Restoration, and the steep drop-off in interest once Charles II is installed. That looks like a very plausible result to me.
Sunday, January 27, 2013
Saturday, January 26, 2013
Zachary the slacker
Zachary Bogan, of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, was a consumptive (he lived to be just 34), and seems to have been subject to depression; “I have been in a manner buried alive in melancholy, and spent my dayes in vanity. My distemper was such, as did not onely render me indisposed, by study to gather more knowledge then I had before (being not able for whole moneths together, to perswade my selfe to take a booke in hand…” (One has to sympathise, even if only as a blogger who has neglected his blog for months.)
For a conscientious believer of the mid 17th century, a depressed state must have been heightened by their sense of Christian duty, of how vital it was to use your God-given talents (and Bogan, a probationary fellow at Oxford , was undoubtedly learned): “It was one of those things, which in my melancholy, my dejected spirit dwelt longest upon, that I had done God, and my brethren no service, having lived so long.”
His first attempt at what we would regard as pious self-therapy came after “a year or two” of depression: “It pleased the Lord (who, I cannot say, did ever hide himselfe in my trouble, or despise my affliction; but was ready to know me in all my adversity) to set me in a way, wherein I might spend my time better, and passe thorow with more ease, some of the rest of those wearisome dayes, which he had appointed for me.” So Bogan, suffering malignant sadness, wrote his first tract, Meditations of the Mirth of a Christian Life (1653).
These meditations his mother asked him to put into print, and he dedicated them to her. In his own rather ingenuous account, in the course of seeing the work through the press, he got talking to his bookseller while looking at a book about God’s promises (possibly The Saints legacies, or, A collection of certain promises out of the word of God collected for private use, but published for the comfort of God’s people, by A.F.), and “I asked the Bookeseller, whether he knew of any Treatise of his Threats. Being answered (contrary to my expectation) that he knew of none; I was the more earnest to inquire further. And so I did; but could heare of none. Whereupon I told my Bookeseller, that I resolved forthwith to read over the Bible, and make a collection of them my selfe; and, if it pleased God to incourage me in it, to print them.”
The work poor Bogan was inspired to write would appear in print, very rapidly, as A view of the threats and punishments recorded in the Scriptures, alphabetically composed (also 1653). Once started, he seems to have worked with manic intensity: “in very little more then a fortnight’s time, that by the help of God I read the Bible over: and reduced every thing that I observed, to a certaine head, in Alphabeticall order. After this, I examined every place of Scripture, by the Originall, and the most noted Translations.”
He records for his general reader the “marvellous encouragement, which it pleased God to afford me all along in this worke”. While, in his sickness, he had barely been able to read for a quarter of an hour, now he found himself “supplyed with a constant delight in what I did, and a desire to goe further. If at any time I was weary (as sometimes I was quite tired, through infirmities of body, and want of spirits) as soone as I had but turned aside, but a few minutes, I found a sudden supply of desire to follow my businesse againe, as fresh as ever.”
Bogan’s book is interestingly unreflective. He does not make any explicit connection between his own situation and his subject; he does not consider what he might be being punished for. Here he is on what he, if pressed, might have considered his own sin, ‘Unfruitfulness’, and it serves as a typical entry from the treatise. Under the heading (‘Unfruitfulness’), he makes a list of how “God punisheth men for it”. The divine punishment for unfruitfulness proves to be just an infliction of more of the same:
1. With leaving them to the wide world. ‘What
could I have done more to my vinyard, that I have not done in it? wherefore
when I looked that it should bring forth grapes, brought it forth wild grapes?
and now goe to, I will tell you what I will doe to my vinyard, I will take away
the hedge thereof, and it shall be eaten up, and break downe the wall thereof,
and it shall be trodden downe’ Isa. 5. 4, 5.
2. Taking away the
means of making them fruitfull. I’t shall not be pruned nor
digged: but there shall come up briars and thornes, I will also command the
cloudes that they raine no raine upon it’, ib. v. 6.
3. Taking away the power and meanes of being
fruitfull (gifts and talents.) ‘Take therefore the talent from him,
and give it unto him that hath ten talents’, Mat. 25. 28. So
that for unfruitfullnesse the sinne, they have
unfruitfullnesse the punishment; ‘When he saw a fig-tree in the way,
he came to it, and found nothing thereon, but leaves only: and said unto it,
let no fruit grow on thee hence forward for ever and presently the figtree
withered away’ Mat. 21 19.
4. Cutting downe, as trees that have left bearing.
It was John the Baptist’s doctrine, ‘every
tree which bringeth not forth good fruit is hewen downe and cast into the fire’, Mat.
3. 10. And it was our Saviours too, in the same wordes, chap. 7. 19. Luk 13. 7.
He that had hid his talent in the ground, had his
doome to be cast into outer darknesse, Mat. 25. 30.
I have said that the book is unreflective, from a modern point of view, in Bogan not seeing the connection between what he is doing, and his own condition as a man. He just doesn’t ask himself why he is suddenly energized by just this topic. A pious-minded consumptive and depressive somehow cannot see a connection between his list of God’s punishments and his own situation.
But the other unreflectiveness about the book is that Bogan does not seem to have considered the overall effect his work would have. From the point of view of any conventional piety, the book is crassly conceived (if we take the notion that ‘God is Love’ as the basic persuasion of the ordinarily pious). Bogan blithely ploughs on, assembling God’s punishments for the various failings of His accursed creation. (Maybe I am the naive one here, and that Bogan's work was at some level a subtle striking back at God.)
Of course, open the Old Testament at random, and you will generally find a whole lot of smiting going on. Assembled together, the vindictiveness, the indiscriminate retaliations, the irascibility, gross favouritism, the general moral insanity of the Godhead becomes the foreground, the middle, and the background - to say nothing of the continuous recourse of the Almighty to horrible threats.
So here’s a selection of Bogan’s examples. In brackets, I give the sin, and then examples of the punishments Bogan eagerly collected from the Bible:
(Whoremongering) “When the Israelites committed whoredome with the Moabites, God (by a disease, or fire, or some other extraordinary plague) slew no lesse then foure and twenty thousand of them, Num. 25. 1, 9.”
(Adultery) “If those that commit adultery escape death,
a thousand to one that they escape these ensuing punishments, viz.
2. Retaliation, or being done to as they have done to others
thus David was punished, Thus saith the Lord, behold I will
raise up evill against thee out of thine own house, and I will take thy wives
before thine eyes and give them unto thy neighbour, And he
shall lie with thy wives in the sight of the sun’ 2 Sam: 12.
11.”
(Talkativeness, punished by) “2 Destruction (as
by discovery, provocation, & an hundred otherwayes) ‘He that
keepeth his mouth, keepeth his life but he that openeth wide his lips, shall
have destruction’, Prov: 13. 3”
(Not being improved by the punishment meted out to you) “And
I also have given you cleannesse of teeth in all your cities, and want of bread
in all your places: YET have yee not returned unto me saith the
Lord.”
(Being a disobedient child, punished by) “Stoning to death.
If a man have a stubborne and rebellious sonne, which will not obey the voice
of his father, or the voice of his mother, and that when they have chastned him
will not harken unto them: Then shall his father and his mother lay hold on him
and bring him out unto the Elders of his city, and unto the gate of his place.
And they shall say unto the Elders of this city. This our sonne is stubborne and
rebellious, he will not obey our voice, he is a glutton, and a drunkard, Being
rebellious is the maine crime, and being a glutton and
a drunkard, are brought in as evidences, though crimes too) And all the
men of his City shall stone him with stones that he die.”
(Being an enemy to Christ) “He that sitteth in the heavens
shall laugh. The Lord shall have them in derision Ps. 2, 4. Oh fearfull
threat! how sad is the condition of those men at
whose calamitie God rejoyceth! or at whose wickednesse he laughes! suffering
them to run on in their sinnes because he seeth that their day of
punishment is coming Ps. 37, 13. Give me any anger, rather then
a laughing anger, whether of God, or man. See the threats Ps. 59, 8.
Prov: 1, 26.
(Curiosity) “He
smote the men of Bethshemesh, because they looked into the Ark of the Lord:
even he smote of the people fifty thousand, and threescore
& ten men 1 Samuel 6, 19. wicked men commonly are more
desirous to know the things of God in a way
of curiosity then godly men”
(Murmuring in dissent) “while the flesh was yet in their
teeth, ere it was chewed, the wrath of the Lord was kindled against the people,
and the Lord smote the people with a very great plague”
(Incest punished) “With Losse of
Birth-right. For thus Jacob (as he was dying)
cursed Reuben, for lying with (his Concubine onely) Bildad.
‘Unstable as water, thou shalt not excell, because thou wentest up to thy
father’s bed; then defiledst thou it: he went up to my couch.’ Gen. 49. 4.”
(Mocking of God’s ministers, punished with) “1.
With Wrath unappeaseable … 4. Violent death by wild
beasts. ‘As Elisha was going up to Bethel, There came forth
little children out of the city, and mocked him, and said unto him, Goe up thou
bald head, Goe up thou bald head. And he turned backe, and looked on them, and
cursed them in the name of the Lord, and there came forth two shee beares
out of the wood, and tare forty and two children of them’, 2 Kings 2. 23, 24”
(Injurious dealing, punished with, number 4) “Destruction of
the whole world, (which otherwise perhaps had not come before
God, so soone as it did:) ‘The earth is filled with violence
through them, and behold I will destroy them with the earth’, Gen: 6.
13.”
Bogan industriously turns a basic tenet of his faith inside-out. God is hate.
We can only imagine what Bogan’s clerical contemporaries might have said about the exercise. His tract found its way into the library of Baron Brooke, among the ‘Divinity English in Octavo’ (Catalogus librorum ex bibliotheca nobilis…). Perhaps people we simply less sensitive – what was in the Bible, after all, was in the Bible, and so beyond question. Maybe it was in fact regarded as a valuable guide: if you wanted to denounce some sin or other from your own pulpit, as must have happened in most parishes on most Sundays, here was a quick route to the relevant divine combination.
And, of course, the Bible is just rather good at these things, infinitely wise, pithy, apt. Just look at the texts cited in this last list of God’s punishments:
Company of any too much keeping it punished with hatred: ‘Withdraw thy foot from thy neighbours house lest he be weary of thee, and so hate thee’ Prov: 25. 17.
Gluttons punished by “Loathing
of that which they loved. ‘The full soule loatheth the honey-comb’ Prov: 27. 7.”
The Idle, susceptible to “Continuall desiring, and not having their desire: which must needs be a great punishment, because it is a great vexation. ‘The soule of the sluggard desireth, and hath nothing’, Prov. 13. 4.”
Lying, punished by “2
Discovery in a little time. ‘The Lip of truth shall be established for ever:
but a lying tongue is but for a moment’, Prov. 12. 19.”
Saturday, October 13, 2012
'Perfection fæminine' at Shorwell Church (or maybe not).
Life’s a
bit too busy to trawl up oddities from the depths of EEBO, so another post about a Jacobean
monument, one that I found remarkable. It’s a brass plaque in Shorwell church,
on the Isle of Wight. It (just maybe) conveys a double message – alongside the quite
sincere tribute-in-general, may be some hints of a more complicated story.
Top and
bottom of the plaque are these two texts, which tell the facts:
“To the remembrance
of the two most worthie and religious gentleweomen his late deare & loyall
wives Mrs Elizabeth Bampfield who died the VIIth of March 1615 having bin ye
mother of 15 hopefull children and Mrs Gartrude Percevall who died childless
the XXII of December 1619 was this monument consecrated by their loving &
sorrowfull Husband Barnabas Leigh Esq.”
I have
re-lineated the lines at the bottom:
Since
neither penne, nor pencill can set forth
Of these
two matchles wives the matchles worth
W’are
forc’t to cover in this silent tombe
The Praises
of a chast and fruitfull wombe:
And with
death’s sable vaile in darknes hide,
The ritch
rare virtues of a barren bride.
Sweet
saintlight paire of Soules, in whome did shine
Such models
of perfection fæminine,
Such Pietie,
love, zeale: That though we sinners
Their lives
have lost, yet still [them]selves are winners
For they
secure, heavens happiness inherit,
Whilst we lament
their losse, admire their merit.
In between
the two main texts, the pictorial part of the plaque shows the two women,
Elizabeth with her shoal of fifteen behind her, kneeling in primary and
secondary ranks by gender, the ten boys first, the girls behind. Her hand
touches the bared head of the eldest son. From the normal post-Reformation ‘depiction’
of God, ‘Jehovah’ in Hebrew letters, the divine command ‘Crescite’(‘Increase’)
shines down on the male children. Gartrude is of course on her own, but the 'Chi
Rho' symbol for Christ shines down on her.
Between the two women, a male gloved
hand breaks the word ‘Sorrow=full’ in the memorial inscription, and is itself
inscribed ‘vae soli’ – ‘woe alone’. The hand supports, with the left hand of
Elizabeth and Gartrude’s right hand, a ring, with the motto ‘tres conjunxit’ (‘three
joined, coupled’) around a heart, the heart with the motto ‘Unum’ – ‘one’. A
chain descends from the ring to a death’s death (‘divisit’ – ‘it divided’),
but, in a nice detail, both women have a foot, rather jauntily, on the death’s
head, as a modest expression of their triumphant ascent to eternal life.
As is quite
normal in portraits of the time, text is just about as important as depiction,
and we have plenty more to read. Barnabas Leigh had searched his Bible for
texts suitable to honour both his wives. Divine light shines on Elizabeth, and
she gets “Sicut Plantulae Olivarum ps128” as one of her mottoes (on the scroll
to her left), and above her head, “sicut vitis frugifera”. Both are from
Psalm 128, verse 3: “Thy wife shall
be as a fruitful vine by the sides of
thine house: thy children like olive
plants round about thy table.”
Gartrude was more challenging, perhaps, but an ideal text
was located: “Canta Sterilis PS 54 1” – Psalm 54:
1 Sing, O barren, thou that didst not bear; break forth into
singing, and cry aloud, thou that didst not travail with child: for more are
the children of the desolate than the children of the married wife, saith the Lord.
2 Enlarge the place of thy tent, and let them stretch
forth the curtains of thine habitations: spare not, lengthen thy cords, and
strengthen thy stakes;
3 For thou shalt break forth on the right hand and on the
left; and thy seed shall inherit the Gentiles, and make the desolate cities to
be inhabited.
4 Fear not; for thou shalt not be ashamed: neither be
thou confounded; for thou shalt not be put to shame: for thou shalt forget the
shame of thy youth, and shalt not remember the reproach of thy widowhood any
more.
5 For thy Maker is thine husband; the Lord of
hosts is his name; and thy Redeemer the Holy One of Israel; The God of the
whole earth shall he be called.
6 For the Lord hath called thee as a woman
forsaken and grieved in spirit, and a wife of youth, when thou wast refused,
saith thy God.
7 For a small moment have I forsaken thee; but with
great mercies will I gather thee.
The other text for Gartrude is more interesting – but really
sets a challenge about where to stop an interpretation. One notices that she is
depicted pointing to the text with her free hand, in a balancing gesture to
Elizabeth’s hand blessing her eldest son. Gartrude’s text is “An non ego melior
tibi quam decem filii 1 Sam 18”.
This takes us to the start of the First Book of Samuel – the
text is the last part of this extract:
1 [Elkanah] had two wives; the name of the one was Hannah,
and the name of the other Peninnah: and Peninnah had children, but Hannah had
no children …
… 4 And when the time was that Elkanah offered, he gave
to Peninnah his wife, and to all her sons and her daughters, portions:
5 But unto Hannah he gave a worthy portion; for he
loved Hannah: but the Lord had shut up her womb.
6 And her adversary also provoked her sore, for to make
her fret, because the Lord had shut up her womb.
7 And as he did so year by year, when she went up to
the house of the Lord, so she provoked her; therefore she wept, and did
not eat.
8 Then said Elkanah her husband to her, Hannah, why
weepest thou? and why eatest thou not? and why is thy heart grieved? am not I
better to thee than ten sons?”
The
Bible story is one of an awful rivalry over fertility between two wives:
Peninnah/Elizabeth producing children, Hannah/Gartrude weeping, and not eating,
always under the lash of her rival’s provoking tongue.
Obviously,
Barnabas Leigh did not, like Elkanah, have two wives at once. He had found the
perfect text for Gartrude in the splendid promises made by the Lord himself in
Psalm 54. A further text was gratuitous: he could have quoted twice from the
one Psalm, as was done with Elizabeth. Was it the intention to indicate that
Elizabeth’s success in multiple births (and how eloquent of the uncertainties
of child survival at the time is that regular locution about “hopefull
children”) oppressed Gartrude as second wife? Out of a Bible context rich in
implications (if implications were meant), chosen for the plaque was that
strong affirmation of a husband’s love “An non ego melior tibi
quam decem filii” – ‘am not
I better to thee than ten sons?’
Look
at how the artist depicted the ‘fruitful vine’ to the left of Elizabeth’s head:
it’s actually a sprig of holly. I know holly has Christian meanings, but I do
wonder at the substitution of spiky holly leaves for vine leaves.
In
the Book of Samuel, poor oppressed Hannah prays in the Temple – Eli the priest
thinks she is drunk, for her prayers are spoken in her heart – her mouth moves,
but she makes no sound. Her silence in prayer contrasts her to the
sharp-tongued Peninnah. The reward for her faith is the longed-for pregnancy –
she will be the mother of Samuel, whom she dedicates to the Lord who lent him.
Of
course, any woman who has endured fifteen (and possibly more) pregnancies is
entitled to have a sharp tongue and (within the general parameters of an
undeniable success at “perfection fæeminine” in regards to that divine command “crescite”) be
rather a challenge to her husband.
I have most likely over-read this monument – but it went out
of its way to invite reading, didn’t it?
Wednesday, October 03, 2012
At Boxgrove Priory: the de la Warr chantry
I managed to get along to Boxgrove Priory on Sunday, where the chantry chapel set up by Thomas West, “eighth Baron West and ninth Baron de la Warr” (1472–1554) is the big feature. It’s dated to 1532, and de la Warr intended it as a final resting place for himself and his wife, with a chantry priest to say masses for their souls in purgatory.
So far, so perfectly late-Medieval Catholic. History and
Henry VIII overtook this project: Boxgrove was abruptly dissolved as a priory. Thomas
West tried in vain to get it exempted, then settled pragmatically for retaining
the main priory building as a parish church. But even then, the long-lived de
la Warr was never to be buried in the beautiful personal shrine he'd had erected. Accused of playing a part in a
conspiracy, he had to swap his local manor house, to which the king had taken a
fancy, for a former nunnery at Whewell in Hampshire. That was the price of his
pardon for an invented crime. Leaving Sussex, he left this chapel behind him, though I imagine he wondered about having it taken apart and transported.
It had been a daring piece of work just getting the chantry
in the church and close to the altar: a whole pier was removed, with the double
size arch above it strengthened – even so, load bearing vaults no longer sweep down to approach the absent column, but splay
across almost horizontally. Everything hovers above this miracle of faith, and has
done so without trouble for nearly 500 years.
What a piece of work it is, eloquent of so much. The
decoration mixes the heraldry of the de la Warre family, Tudor roses, and
faith. It its original state, viewers must have seen a structure that ascended
up from a joyous motifs of the fleshly world – fat cherubs play lutes, two
young men swarm up one column, throwing down fruit to a girl who holds out her
apron. Hercules fights the Nemean lion, a King and Death stand either side of a
tree, dragons writhe.
Then above this, the divine realm: the riotously decorated
columns, turn into their structural negatives, niches for with saints topped with intricate
Gothic canopies. Heaven is held up by faith, not stone. Sinuous movement turns to
fixity, the contemplation of God - music might come from heaven without visible
performers, certainly not from fat-legged cherubs. All the saints disappeared,
of course: the empty niches conjure them up, spectacular victims of all that
jostling life down below them, martyred again in effigy. I imagine their
battered torsos will be in a pit somewhere close at hand, maybe dug down to the
paleo-surface where Boxgrove man and his fellows slaughtered extinct animals half a million years before.
Decorative motifs for the carvings were apparently taken
from a French Book of Hours. The lively realm of classical
motifs, images from fabliau and moral tale, and stiff Tudor roses seem to be
pushing the Gothic world higher towards heaven. Though to an extent, the elaborate coats of arms and Orders of
the Garter aspire towards joining the building’s divine realm:
angels obligingly display dynastic honours.
The intricate vaulting within makes it seem as if the masons
could extrude stone through an icing nozzle or fresh pasta maker. As decorative
as a gypsy caravan, the chantry stayed where it was and journeyed forwards
through time.
Sir Thomas Wyatt could have gone down to Chichester and seen
this structure when it was new. Anne Boleyn was about to become queen. Of its
time in its jollity, its Tudor patriotism, all of the certainties of its
theology were about to be stripped away. The double sized arch held up: the
metaphorical roof fell in.
Tuesday, September 04, 2012
A work of magenta-coloured imagination: Jeanette Winterson's 'The Daylight Gate'
This summary is not available. Please
click here to view the post.
Sunday, August 05, 2012
“I have a light within that directs me to renounce my husband”: the unnatural practices of Elizabeth Pigeon.
Lawrence Stone
territory this posting, with A brief
relation of the strange and unnatural practices of Wessel Goodwin, Mehetabell
Jones the wife of Edward Jones, and Elizabeth Pigeon the wife of John Pigeon (1654).
This indignant
pamphlet was written by Wessel Goodwin’s son-in-law Samuel Vernon, who followed
up with another account of the disaster which struck the family in the form of
two sisters, Mehetabel and Elizabeth. This second account comes in The
trepan being a true relation, full of stupendious variety, of the strange
practices of Mehetabel, the wife of Edward Jones, and Elizabeth, wife of
Lieutenant John Pigeon, sister to the said Mehetabel, being both Quakers : wherein
is discovered the subtle method whereby they cheated Mr. Wessel Goodwin, a dyer
in Southwark, and all his children of a fair estate: with sundry copies of
letters, perfumed locks of hair, and verses they sent him, and many other
notable devices belonging to the art of trepanning (1656).
It’s a salutary
work to read if one is minded to deplore the subordination of women in 17th
century England. Obviously, we do not get to hear what Mehetabel and Elizabeth
could say for themselves, but, having read Samuel Vernon’s pamphlets about
them, I am inclined to believe the one witness we have. The son-in-law looks on
in horror as his wife’s father ruins the family under the manipulative
influence of the two sisters. In the follow up pamphlet, he has incriminating
letters by both women in his possession, and invites anyone interested to come
and verify that they are as he says. Elizabeth Pigeon was appalling, a cunning
and dangerous woman, of high ability, but entirely self-seeking and shameless.
The stories told,
and personalities involved, are all interesting. In the end remarkable in
social history terms is that both sisters managed to use the law to break off their
marriages. Master Jones, a lutenist, and Mr Pigeon, were brow-beaten by
factitious arrests for debt, sexual manipulation, by provocations to which
their occasionally ill-considered responses are all made to play into the hands
of two determined women. Both men limp wounded and penniless out of their
marriages. They sign ‘divorce’ documents put to them by their wives, or
associates of their wives, and leave the scene of their defeat for years.
But to the main
story: Wessel Goodwin was a London dyer. He had an estate of about £2,000, and
his trade as dyer clears him between three and five hundred pounds a year. He
had a wife, and four children.
But he had an
extraordinary combination of “a weak head, yet an obstinate will” (as the 1656
pamphlet puts it). His marriage had been plagued by his bizarre extravagance –
he spent insane amounts of money on music.
“He was ever
strangely given to music, to which he had a ravenous appetite; five pounds for
pricking out two or three lessons, which when he had, he understood like Arabic;
thirty pounds for a Lute, of which he had with other sorts of fiddles, a whole
room full; and which is the wonder, can ply of none, only admires them, ten
pounds at a time to a music Master for a months teaching (or rather playing to
him.)”
Goodwin forced his children to learn music, and only if they
did this (to the detriment of anything else, any other way of life) did he
regard them as obedient. The biographer of his folly, his son-in-law, quarreled
with him about this.
His obsession with music seems to have been genuinely
unbalanced. When he was 58, his wife, who had struggled gamely with this
impossible husband, asked from her deathbed that the music in the house might
stop, and was refused:
“About the 58
year of his age, his virtuous wife fell sick of a painful disease contracted by
melancholy, of which in a few months she died.
When she drew
near her death, some few days before her departure, overhearing the music which
was daily in the next room, she desired one of her sons to call in their
father, to whom with a broken sad voice she said, Husband, you well know what a
burthen this Excess of music hath been to me all my life; must that which hath
been so much affliction to me in my life, be brought to my death bed? may I not
dye out of the noise of it? pray forbear, I have not many hours to live, and
then you may have your fill of music. To which he replied not one word, but
went out in discontent and so fell to his music again.”
Music was going
to bring its own nemesis upon Wessel Goodwin. He was employing a lutenist
called Edward Jones, and no doubt Jones’ incredulous accounts of his employer’s
infatuation with music alerted Mehetabel Jones to an easy mark. She starts,
acting with her sister, to secure sums of money from Goodwin, and denigrating
his wife (while she lived) and his children. Her sister Elizabeth pushes the
whole thing on. Samuel Vernon, fascinated and repulsed, gives this account:
“because Mrs. Pigeon is the chief agent and contriver in
these sinful projects, I shall give this brief description of her: She is one
that can transform her self into an Angel of light, and having her tongue
tipped with Scripture, can with tears, sighs, gesture at command, set off what
she would have believed, as Gospel, though very false, thereby to ensure such
as hearken to her Charms; no sport to her like catching credulous persons with
her faire Saint-like expressions, making sure prey of all that she can thus
draw into her toils; and so implacable, that when she hath once got an advantage,
nothing shall satisfy her but the utmost rigour, which she will rise at
midnight to prosecute.”
Mrs Pigeon was
what Roman satirists would have called a captator, a legacy-hunter. She had
done well out of her first marriage, and has a second husband who is a
Lieutenant of Oliver Cromwell’s regiment, one John Pigeon. You’d think an old Ironside
like that might have been able to hold his own, but Pigeon has willed
everything to her. In the course of procuring this, she has almost killed him
(according to Vernon) with a mixture of aphrodisiac drugs and refusal to
consent to sex (“if you touch me, I will cry murder”, she reportedly says to
her husband – this in the 1656 pamphlet), until he left her everything. After
this success, Mrs Pigeon went on to plot the judicial murder of her husband “it
being immediately after the late Kings death, she makes show of much discontent
against the actings of the present Governors; she projects to her husband to
draw up a declaration against them, and their proceedings, which he must
subscribe and avow, and then he should be her dear husband, and she vows to
stand by him to the last in it. Let others think their pleasure, for my part, I
believe this was a plot laid to have destroyed Mr. Pigeon; but he wisely refused to act in it.”
After being drawn
into an affray, which his wife (who, according to Vernon, improved mightily on
her facial injuries with make-up) exploits to get him cashiered from the army,
Pigeon is brow-beaten by one of his wife’s legal agents into signing a bill of
divorce, “alleging he might lawfully in the sight of God do it”. After this,
the couple separate. (What sort of confusion of mind had Milton created, with those
divorce pamphlets of the 1640’s?)
Sister Mehetabel
that makes the running with old Goodwin, and soon has the old man infatuated: “She
must be freed from her husband, that so she may be free for old Mr. Goodwin, who is now so taken with her, that he
can enjoy himself no where but in her company: scarce one day in the week but
he is at her house, spending his time in dalliance with her.” Vernon has had
report of her demeanor to Goodwin: “And Mr. Pigeon affirms, that about the year 1646.
sojourning then in the house of his Brother Jones, he set himself to observe their
carriage, and at one time he saw Mistress Jones take Mr. Goodwin about the neck and kiss him: at
another time, being (as they thought) in private, he saw her take Mr. Goodwin’s hand, and putting it under her apron,
holding it against the bottom of her belly, with many repeated mutual kisses,
she saying, oh my dear Love! At which Mr. Pigeon being much scandalized to see his
Sister Jones so behave her self to Mr. Goodwin, she being a married woman, and her
husband in the house, went presently and told his wife what he had seen, and
that he would tarry there no longer, for that he believed the house was a Bawdy
house, and that her Sister Jones was Mr. Goodwins whore.”
Vernon himself
cannot resist a bawdy comment on the complete change the women effect in
Goodwin’s preoccupation: “Now the Lute and the Lute Master is quite laid aside,
Mr. Goodwin speaks not one word more of musick; he
hath found another manner of Lute that is easier to play on, which he had been
long before a tuning…” I suppose you could say that Goodwin finds himself (as
he sees it) transformed from being a passive admirer, into a participant, the
admirer thinks himself admired.
Outsiders try to
intervene: everyone in the neighbourhood knows what is going on, even small
children report details of Goodwin’s infatuation. But “he is so bewitched with
her, that as it is reported of leprous persons, into whose flesh you may thrust
needles to the head, and they feel nothing; so though reproof, admonitions,
prayers, from children, neighbours, Justices, Ministers, assault him daily, yet
he is insensible of all.” His minister uses the final deterrent, and “suspends
him from the Sacrament, which he values so little, that to this day he so continues,
without so much as once desiring to be restored, professing his conscience is
clear, and that he values the reproofs of Ministers no more then the dirt under
his feet.”
Jones, the
lutenist, no longer has Goodwin under the fairly innocent spell of his art. He
has his own troubles, and undergoes a series of legal assaults, provocations,
and is led into further problems when he unwisely fights back. The two women
offer him money to emigrate. He ends up imprisoned in ‘The Counter’, and when
this has happened, his wife “flies to [Goodwin], throwing her self into his arms,
saying, Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Jones and I am now parted for ever, and you
must keep me. The poor deluded old man being overjoyed, takes her in his arms,
tells her, it was the best news to him that ever came to town, and that he
would provide for her, with more to that purpose. Mr. Pigeon stands in admiration at these doings;
at the last breaks out into these words; Now quoth he, I see the cause my
brother Jones was put into the Counter”.
Jones gets
himself out of prison, and agrees with his wife that she will leave him, the
house and the children to stay with him. This deal she instantly breaks,
entering the house while he is out giving lessons, and removing everything of
value. He finally leaves the city entirely, penniless, and heads off to Norwich.
Finally, the
sisters move into Goodwin’s house. This is accomplished by marrying off
Mehetabel Jones’ daughter Lydia to one of Goodwin’s less promising sons, James,
“a silly schoolboy” (says the 1656 pamphlet): “In brief, they presently clap up
a Match between this boy, that a little before was intended for a prentice, and
Mistress Jones her daughter, a girl 19 of about
fifteen years old, but so small, that she looked more like one of eight or nine
at the most. After short wooing, they are married together. This was a strong
subtle device, worth Mistress Pigeons Invention. By this match Mr. Goodwin and his concubine are become brothers
and sisters, and who can find fault at decent familiarity between such? By this
the women have got an interest in the estate and family, that they dare own to
the world, which they durst not before: This brings them boldly into the house
to reside; Mrs. Jones pretending that because her daughter
is such a childe, she hath the more need of a guide. In a word, this device
draws a faire skin over a great many scabby places at once; and so they without
any more Ceremony all enter the house, bringing all their children and retinue
with them.”
Goodwin enters
into “an adulterous contract of marriage with Mistress Jones”, convinced by
their assurances that he can justly and religiously do so. The sisters continue
spending all the money they can lay hands on. There remain two members of the original
Goodwin family to be defeated. The first is a devout and moral minded senior
apprentice, who is finished off when he goes down with a fever. During his
illness, the sisters ply him with their own prescriptions, and he dies. Then
there is the capable son Andrew, who has been acting in partnership with his
father, doing his best to run the money side of the business. They unleash an able
accountant on him, a Mr Lewis, whom they attempt to bribe, and though this
attempt fails, Vernon does not disguise the fact that Andrew, in his anguish at
his father’s behaviour, has let control of the money side escape him. They
discredit him enough in his father’s eyes for the old man to allow them to
break into Andrew’s room, lever open his strong boxes, and finally get him out
of the house by having two sergeants and two bailiffs arrive nocturnally.
Andrew barricades himself in his room, but his father consents that the
bailiffs might break through the wall to arrest his son. Andrew surrenders, and
is hauled away into the night.
Installed, and without any
opposition left, the sisters take over the house and the business, using a male
associate, a scrivener called Colborne. Old Goodwin loses control of his
business, and is taken on as a journeyman “and which is to amazement, so far
from being sensible of what he hath done, that he proclaims to all
comers that he had rather be Mrs. Pigeons Journeyman, then to be Master of all without his two
women.”
This was the situation that had been reached when Vernon
wrote his first account of this hostile domestic and commercial takeover. His
1654 pamphlet ends with appeals to Goodwin to reflect on some pungent verses
from the seventh chapter of Proverbs, with some additional commentary of his
own, and calls to Mehetable Jones to repent.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The 1656 pamphlet continues the story. Mistress Pigeon
settled down to making money from the business, the scrivener Colborne standing
security for customers anxious about their goods.
But during 1654 and 1655 business gradually drops away –
“nor could they with all their art keep on the paint which daily peeled off
from their bold deluding faces”. The unity between the sisters falls away too:
Mehetabel has got the old man, and most of the neighbourly reproaches; she
observes that her sister has control of all the money that’s in the business. The
two leave Goodwin’s house, and resume their former lodgings. When Goodwin comes
to visit Mehetable: “the Fish once caught, off goes the bait. Now that all is
in their hands, and now that he comes to them stripped, with his empty pockets
hanging out, now nothing but quarrelling and caviling questions about the
Trade.”
The sisters next get the scrivener Colborne into their power
at their “rat-trap in Pauls Alley” (as Vernon calls the base from which they
operate), pretending to nurse him during his last illness, in effect, keeping
him hostage in hope of taking advantage.
Mistress Pigeon’s husband returns, and tries to get her to
accept reconciliation. This does not work. Goodwin’s children appeal to
Cromwell, who appoints a number of substantial Southwark citizens to hold a
commission of inquiry into the whole affair. During this process, old Goodwin
dies (in December 1655), once again he was completely in their power in his
dying days. Vernon attributes the death to the sisters, that they withdrew his
normal food, and made him subsist solely on their prescription of “Sage-Ale,
Marmalade [and] strong extracts”. Goodwin died during a fit of retching.
There follows a horrible stand-off about who is to bury the
body. Mistress Pigeon does not want an autopsy, and will not surrender the body
to the dead man’s relatives. The body remains in the house for three days.
Mistress Pigeon lets it be known that she will hold the funeral, and invites
the chief members of the parish, letting it be known that gold rings and gloves
will be given out as tokens of mourning. Only one invitee is venal enough to
accept the invitation. Mistress Pigeon attends the funeral with an attorney at
law, to deter angry interventions, but even with this intimidating presence at
her side, she is bombarded with “kennel dirt”. Mistress Jones remains
barricaded in the house. Had she gone to the funeral, the best of her bargain,
Vernon concludes, would have been “to gauge the depth of mud in the mill-pond”.
The tide seems to turn against the sisters. The report of
the local commissioners, p[rinted by Vernon, resoundingly endorses all that Vernon’s
account alleges against them. The commission try to make a fair composition, to
get Mistress Pigeon to leave with some recompense, but she refuses to budge.
Cromwell himself reads the report, and is indignant, but unluckily action is
passed on to his privy council, who do nothing for two months, and then
recommend the children to go to law. They and their advisers reflect that there
will be nothing left worth getting repossession of.
So Vernon’s second pamphlet is in a way the only retaliation
left to the relatives. In his possession, he has letters written by both women
(one of which does indicate that they read the first pamphlet, and regarded it
as libel, so it did affect them), and letters framed by Mistress Pigeon for
Goodwin to transcribe and sign as his own. Instructions for him too, in how to
handle the commissioners. (He was flattered into assuming a resentful silence
as the true sign of his wisdom, and Vernon testifies that he heard Goodwin
refusing to answer all questions.) At its end, admitting that she has escaped
justice, Vernon gives a pen-portrait of Mistress Pigeon, and compares this effort
to the way that “in foreign parts when notorious malefactors have by some stratagem
escaped the hand of justice, then they draw their picture as near as may be to
the life, which being fixed upon public places of execution, gives notice to
all men what manner of person he was, that so he may be discovered”. The chief
contriver of all these ills emerges, in another of Vernon’s half-tributes to an
utterly unscrupulous and artful woman, as a compound of Shakespeare’s Gertrude
and Goneril: “would she win compassion from her Judge, she appears all in
mourning, melting like Niobe in tears … if she be before such as she thinks
another bait may take better, she will appear in gorgeous Apparel, her neck and
breasts bare, her complexion beyond a natural fairness”.
Mehetabel Jones was an early modern woman poet (of sorts).
Vernon has various verses in his possession. This one is a down-market ‘Relique’
or ‘Legacy’:
“beg leave for one more sample of her enchanting Madrigals;
which with a parcel of her Hair richly perfumed (though all will not keep it
from stinking) was found with the rest; and thus it chimes, forth:
Accept this
Bracelet from your friend,
the owner
knows it is your due,
because she
belongeth unto you.
This paper
read, let it see the flame;
if you
grant not this, you are to blame:
For she
that writ it, would for you
burn paper,
and her fingers too
to light
your snuff; which she has done,
and burnt
both fingers and her thumb.
Burn it,
then your friend will I rest;
if not, say
not you love her best:
The hours I
count, the minutes too
make haste,
farewell, adieu, adieu.
Vernon astutely observes the anxiety to have the poem
burned. Poor besotted Wessel Goodwin couldn’t bring himself to do that, it
seems. The two women hold out, and escape. A postscript to Vernon’s second
pamphlet says that they have left Goodwin’s house, and that the building has
been stripped, even the lead pipes have been dug up and sold.
Quite a pair.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)












